On June 4th I gave ‘the Gaisford lecture’ at Oxford University, named after the Regius Professor of Greek there from 1811, and chaired by the current one, Prof. Chris Pelling. Its title was 'Pearls Before Swine? The Past and Future of Greek.' The revised text appears in the Review section of Guardian 20th June and below. There is a video
summary on the website of the Classics and Class research project on which I work with Dr. Henry
Stead.[i]
The lecture set out my view of the purpose of education. I share this with Thomas Jefferson: education needs to equip people to defend their liberty. I argued that Greek ideas are more significant than grammar in so equipping them.
In
my personal utopia, all citizens could study Ancient Greek, Latin and every
other subject, free of charge, at any time. But in 21st-century
Britain, Ancient Greek ‘A’-Level, available at hardly any state-sector schools,
marks money and privilege. It also, embarrassingly, gives the few hundred privately educated
teenagers who take it a queue-jumping ticket to the ruling class. Greek (and/or
Latin) ‘A’ Level, solicitously taught, gives them a better chance of
getting into Oxbridge than any other subject.
Brabazon, inspired by Class. Civ. teacher |
There
is an affordable solution: extending the excellent ‘A’-Level in Classical
Civilisation, taken by several thousand state-sector students annually, across
the whole school system. Teachers with PGCEs in English, History, Religious Studies, Modern Languages, and Philosophy can offer it. Wherever it is introduced, it is popular and successful. It has inspired dozens of high achieving professionals, like James Brabazon, comprehensive school educated and an award-winning frontline documentary film maker. It can
be taught by teachers with a PGCE in another subject.
19th-c. satire of labourer who dared to study Greek |
Thomas Gaisford |
All power to all their elbows, say I. Thomas Gaisford may be turning in his grave, but somehow I’m
okay with that.
Pearls before Swine?
Citizens’
Classics for the 21st Century: Full Text
The
recent general election has exposed the danger inherent in vote-based
democracies—that they inevitably entail large disaffected minorities being
excluded from executive power. The
ancient Greek inventors of democracy vigorously debated this issue, having
painful historical experience of it (recorded by Thucydides) and theoretical
solutions (discussed by Aristotle). Yet
our state educational system almost completely deprives our secondary-school children
of the opportunity to think about democracy afforded by the dazzling
thought-world of the ancient Greeks. This is despite the availability of
excellent translations of all their writings—free online—into modern English.
The
foundations of the Greeks’ exciting culture, to which few of our teenagers are
ever introduced, were laid long before the arrival of Christianity, between 800
and 300 BC. Greek-speakers lived in hundreds of different villages, towns and
cities, from Spain to Libya and the Nile delta, from the freezing river Don in
the north-eastern corner of the Black Sea to Trebizond. They were culturally elastic, for they often
freely intermarried with other peoples; they had no sense of ethnic inequality
which was biologically determined, since the concepts of distinct world ‘races’
had not been invented. They tolerated and even welcomed imported foreign gods.
What united them was never geopolitics, either. With the arguable exception of
the short-lived Macedonian Empire in the later 4th century BC, there
never was a recognisable, independent, state run by Greek-speakers, centred in
and including what we now know as Greece, until after the Greek War of
Independence in the early 19th century.
What
bound the Greeks together was an enquiring cast of mind underpinned by a
wonderful shared set of stories and poems and a restlessness which made them
more likely to sail away and found a new city-state than tolerate starvation or
oppression in a venerable mainland metropolis. The diasporadic, seafaring
Greeks, while they invented new communities from scratch and were stimulated by
constantly interacting with other ethnic groups, made a rapid series of
intellectual discoveries which propelled the Mediterranean world to a new level
of civilisation. This process of self-education was much admired by the Greeks
and Romans of the centuries which followed. When the texts and artworks of
classical Greece were rediscovered in the European Renaissance, they changed
the world for a second time.
Yet
over the last two decades the notion that the Greeks were exceptional has been
questioned. It has been stressed that
they were, after all, just one of many ethnic and linguistic groups centred in
the eastern end of the ancient Mediterranean world. Long before the Greeks appeared in the
historical record, several complicated civilisations had arisen – the
Mesopotamians and Egyptians, the Hattians and Hittites. Other peoples provided the Greeks with
crucial technological advances; they learned the phonetic alphabet from the
Phoenicians, and how to mint coins from the Lydians. They may have learned how
to compose elaborate cult hymns from the mysterious Luwians of Syria and
central Anatolia. During the period when
the Greeks invented rational philosophy and science, after 600 BC, their
horizons were dramatically opened up by the expansion of the Persian
Empire.
In
the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, our understanding of the other
cultures of the Ancient Near East advanced rapidly. We know far more about the minds of the
Greeks’ predecessors and neighbours than we did before the landmark discovery
of the Epic of Gilgamesh on clay
tablets in the Tigris valley in 1853. There has been a constant stream of newly
published texts in the languages of the successive peoples who dominated the
fertile plains of Mesopotamia (Sumerians, Akkadians, Babylonians, Assyrians).
The words of Ḫittites on the tablets found at Hattuša in central Turkey and
the phrases inscribed on clay tablets at Ugarit in northern Syria have been
deciphered. New texts as well as fresh
interpretations of writings by the ancient Egyptians continue to appear,
requiring, for example, a reassessment of the importance of the Nubians to
North African history. Many of these thrilling
advances have revealed how much the Greeks shared with and absorbed from their
predecessors and neighbours. Painstaking comparative studies have been
published which reveal the Greek ‘miracle’ to have been one constituent of a
continuous process of intercultural exchange. It has become a new orthodoxy
that the Greeks were very similar to their Ancient Near Eastern neighbours, in
Mesopotamia, Egypt, the Levant, Persia, and Asia Minor. Some scholars have gone so far as to ask
whether the Greeks came up with anything new at all, or whether they merely
acted as a conduit through which the combined wisdom of all the civilisations
of the eastern Mediterranean was disseminated across the territories conquered
by Alexander the Great, before arriving at Rome and posterity. Others have seen
sinister racist motives at work, and accused classicists of creating in their
own image the Oldest Dead White European Males; some have claimed, with some
justification, that northern Europeans have systematically distorted and
concealed the evidence showing how much the ancient Greeks owed to Semitic and
African peoples rather than to Indo-European, ‘Aryan’ traditions.
The
question has thus become painfully politicised.
Critics of colonialism and racism tend to play down the specialness of
the ancient Greeks. Those who maintain that there was something identifiably
different and even superior about the Greeks, on the other hand, are often
die-hard conservatives who have a vested interest in proving the superiority of
‘Western’ ideals and in making evaluative judgements of culture. My problem is that I fit into neither camp. I
am certainly opposed to colonialism and racism, and have investigated
reactionary abuses of the classical tradition in colonial India and by
apologists of slavery all the way through to the American Civil War. But my
constant engagement with the ancient Greeks and their culture has made me more,
rather than less, convinced that they asked a series of crucial questions which
are difficult to identify in combination amongst any of the other cultures of
the ancient Mediterranean or Near Eastern antiquity.[i]
Taken singly, most Greek achievements can be
paralleled in the culture of at least one of their neighbours. The Babylonians knew
about Pythagoras’ theorem centuries before Pythagoras was born. The tribes of the Caucasus had brought mining
and metallurgy to unprecedented levels. The Hittites had made advances in
chariot technology, but they were also highly literate. They recorded the
polished and emotive orations delivered on formal occasions in their royal
court, and their carefully argued legal speeches. One Hittite king foreshadows
Greek historiography when he chronicled in detail his frustration at the
incompetence of some of his military officers during the siege of a Hurrian
city. The Phoenicians were just as great seafarers as any Greeks. The Egyptians
developed medicine based on empirical experience rather than religious dogma
and told Odyssey-like stories about
sailors who went missing and returned after adventures overseas. Pithy fables similar to those of Aesop were
composed in an archaic Aramaic dialect of Syria and housed in Jewish temples.
Architectural design concepts and technical know-how came from the Persians to
the Greek world via the many Ionian Greek workmen who helped build Persepolis,
Susa and Pasargadae, named Yauna in
Persian texts. But none of these peoples produced anything quite equivalent to
Athenian democracy, comic theatre, philosophical
logic, or Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics.
I
do not deny that the Greeks acted as a conduit for other ancient peoples’
achievements. But to function successfully as a conduit, channel, or
intermediary is in itself to perform an exceptional role. It requires a range
of talents and resources. Taking over someone else’s technical knowledge
requires an opportunistic ability to identify a serendipitous find or
encounter, excellent communicative skills, and the imagination to see how a
technique, story or object could be adapted to a different linguistic and
cultural milieu. In this sense, the
Romans fruitfully took over substantial achievements of their civilisation from
the Greeks, as did the Renaissance Humanists.
Of course the Greeks were not
by nature or in potential superior to any other human beings, either physically
or intellectually. Indeed, they themselves often commented on how difficult it
was to distinguish Greek and non-Greek, let alone free person from slave, if
all the trappings of culture, clothing and adornment were removed. But that
does not mean they were not the right people, in the right place, at the right
time, to take up the human baton of intellectual progress for several hundred
years.
And that period of intellectual ferment
produced ideas that have subsequently informed the most significant moments in western
political history. Thomas Jefferson,
framing the Declaration of Independence,
took the idea of the pursuit of happiness from Aristotle. Toussaint Louverture
read Plutarch’s account of Spartacus before leading the first successful slave
rebellion on Haiti in 1791. Tom Paine argued that issues like the relationship
of religion to the state should be discussed with reference to historical
examples from antiquity onwards. Chartist leaders were inspired by the Athenian
democratic revolution. Women suffragists
recited at their meetings the resounding speech which the tragedian Euripides
gives his heroine Medea on the economic, political and sexual oppression of the
entire female sex.
The
Greeks, more even than the Romans, show us how to question received opinion and
authority. The earliest myths reveal mankind actively disputing the terms on
which the Olympian gods want to rule them, and the philanthropic god Prometheus
rebelling against Zeus in order to steal fire—a divine prerogative—and give it
to mortal men. Sophocles’ Antigone refuses to accept her tyrannical uncle’s
arbitrary edict, draws crucial distinctions between moral decency and contingent
legislation, and buries her brother anyway. Aristophanes, in his democratic
comedies, subjected politicians who wielded power to satire of eye-watering
savagery. Socrates dedicated his life to proving the difference between the
truth and received opinion, the unexamined life being, in his view, not worth
living. No wonder Hobbes thought that reading Greek and Roman authors should be
banned by any self-respecting tyrant, in Leviathan
arguing that they foment revolution under the slogan of liberty, instilling
in people a habit ‘of favouring uproars, lawlessly controlling
the actions of their sovereigns, and then controlling those controllers.’
Yet
in today’s Britain, few secondary school students are ever challenged by the
ancient Greeks and Romans or their ideas. This is despite the existence for half a
century of excellent GCSE and ‘A’ Level courses in Classical Civilisation,
which have been a resounding success wherever introduced, and can be taught
cost-effectively across the state school sector. The failure to include Classical Civilisation
amongst the subjects taught in every secondary school deprives us and our
future citizens of access to educational treasures which can not only enthral,
but fulfil what Jefferson argued in Notes
on the State of Virginia (1782) was the main goal of education in a
democracy—to enable us defend our liberty. History, he proposed, is the subject
which makes citizens so equipped. To stay free also requires comparison of
constitutions, utopian thinking, fearlessness about innovation, critical,
lateral and relativist thinking, advanced epistemological skills in source
criticism and the ability to argue
cogently. All these skills can be learned from their succinct, entertaining,
original formulations and applications in the dazzling works of the Greeks.
The
situation is aggravated by the role that training in the ancient languages, as
opposed to ancient ideas, plays in dividing social and economic classes. The
dreadful rich/poor schism in the British nation is now clearly defined, in
terms of the curriculum, by access to Greek and Latin grammar. In 2013 (the
last year for which figures are available), 3,580 state-sector candidates took
‘A’ Levels in Classical Civilisation or Ancient History. Greek ‘A’ Level
was taken by 260 candidates, 223 of whom were at the independent schools which
only seven per cent of our children attend; Latin was taken by 1305, a depressing 940 of whom were at independent
schools. High grades in the ancient languages—easily enough won by
solicitous coaching—provide near-guaranteed access to our most elite
universities. For those without Greek and Latin ‘A’ Levels there are
indeed Oxbridge opportunities: a four-year Classics course at Cambridge and at
Oxford the fast-track ‘Course II’ as well as two smaller courses (Ancient and
Modern History, Ancient History and Archaeology) focussing on history and
material culture rather than literature and philosophy. The chances of
admission for these are in line with other courses such as English and History.
But it is easier to get into Oxbridge to read the long-established Classics courses,
requiring an ancient language 'A' Level, than any other subject: between 2012
and 2014, for the traditional Classics ‘Course I’ at Oxford, 51 students were
accepted from the state sector and 233 from the non-state. There is
nothing like such a high percentage of privately educated students on any other
course; there is no similarly high chance of admission—at 45 per cent or so.
Classics applicants have a comparable chance of getting into Cambridge, at 45%,
and only a slightly better ratio of state sector acceptees.
To
me, as a Greek scholar, educated in the 1970s and 1980s entirely at the
taxpayer’s expense at a Direct Grant school and at Oxford, this is profoundly embarrassing.
Instead of Greek ideas expanding the minds of all young citizens, Greek denotes
money and provides a queue-jumping ticket to privilege.
How can we eradicate the apartheid
system in British Classics? (1) We need
to support Classical Civilisation qualifications, campaign for their
introduction in every school and recognise their excellence as intellectual
preparation for adult life and university. Specifically, Classical Civilisation
needs to be recognised in the English Baccalaureate and given the same
governmental support as Latin. (2) We need to expand the currently tiny number
of teachers trained to teach Classical Civilisation via Classics-dedicated PGCE
courses, and also, crucially, encourage qualified teachers of other subjects in
schools—English, History, Modern Languages, Religious Studies—to add Classical
Civilisation to their repertoire. Take Christ the King Sixth-Form College in South
London. A committed Philosophy teacher
there, Eddie Barnett, was inspired by the enthusiastic response elicited by the
(small) Plato element on the ‘A’-Level Philosophy syllabus. After school talks
on the Greeks from myself and other members of the Classics Department at
King’s College London, he has recently secured an agreement that Classical
Civilisation will be rolled out at all three campuses of that excellent institution.
(3) Classical Civilisation qualifications are embraced at most universities
already, and this is the first year in which it has been possible for Open
University students to graduate with single honours in Classical Studies, even
if they have had no contact with the Greeks and Romans previously. But Oxford
and Cambridge, with their fame and brand, now need to lead by example and offer
challenging Classics courses which do not fetishise grammar and consequently
repel state-sector students who have been excited by reading Classics in English.
This means engaging with literary texts fearlessly in translation and raising
the proportion of critical thinking to language acquisition. Undergraduate
degrees are supposed to produce competent citizens. Traditional Classics
courses are not making the most of those ancient authors on their curriculum who
enhance civic as opposed to syntactical competence.
There is, however, an obstacle to
such citizen-friendly proposals for the future of Classics. The obstacle is
posed by the contempt directed from some upper echelons of the Classics
community against GCSEs and ‘A’ Levels in Classical Civilisation. Some Classics
scholars and alumni happily maintain the exclusive private-school/Oxbridge
monopoly on the Greeks. Almost all the energy currently expended by some
Classics-friendly charities on supporting a classical presence in the state
system is directed towards Latin. Of
course I have no objection to Latin teaching, but focussing on it exclusively
entails three dangers. First, plenty of meritorious young people with a great
deal to offer society don’t particularly enjoy grammar and are put off the
ancient world forever by being offered a diet over-heavy on language when they
might be thrilled by other aspects of antiquity. Second, omitting the broader,
more conceptually stretching study of the ancient world, and especially of Greek
thought, implicitly suggests that Latin has a prior claim on our citizens’
attentions. Third, focussing on training in Latin grammar encourages classical
Luddites (who would rather destroy the modern study of the ancient world than
see any overhaul of pedagogical tradition) publicly
to disparage Classical Civilisation’s in-depth study of ancient society.
One
prominent Oxford-trained journalist, Harry Mount, recently described Classical
Civilisation qualifications in the Telegraph
as ‘intellectual baby food’ with which students are ‘spoon-fed’, and as
‘Classics Lite’.[ii]
This was to insult the entire community of state-sector classicists and anyone
who ever reads an ancient author in translation. He and his associates have
forgotten Gilbert Murray’s injunction that it is the Greeks, not Greek, who are
the true object of the humanist curriculum. They have forgotten Milton, who
wrote in his treatise Of Education that language study ‘is but the instrument convaying to us things
usefull to be known’ If a linguist ‘have
not studied the solid things in them as well as the words and lexicons, he were
nothing so much to be esteem'd a learned man, as any yeoman or tradesman
competently wise in his mother dialect only…’ Thomas Jefferson said exactly
the opposite to Harry Mount: he proposed that impressionable minds of the
ablest younger children, including the poor ones he wanted to be funded by the
state, could be kept safely occupied with rote learning of the minutiae of ancient
languages, until they acquired sufficient intellectual robustness in
mid-adolescence to cope with truly rigorous education in argumentation. That
is, he saw language learning as the intellectual baby food.
The instrumentality of ancient languages
in social exclusion has an inglorious history which we surely do not want to
perpetuate. In 1748, the Earl of Chesterfield wrote to his son: ‘Classical knowledge, that is, Greek and
Latin, is absolutely necessary for everybody…the word illiterate, in its common
acceptance, means a man who is ignorant of these two languages.’ Classical
knowledge is here limited to linguistic knowledge, education to men, and
literacy to reading competence in Greek and Latin. Greek was also handy when
white people wanted to deride the intellectual abilities of black ones. In
1833-4, American pro-slavery thinkers were on the defensive. The Senator for
South Carolina, John C. Calhoun, declared at a Washington dinner party that
only when he could ‘find a Negro who knew the Greek syntax’ could he be brought
to ‘believe that the Negro was a human being and should be treated as a man’. This snipe motivated a free black errand boy, Alexander
Crummell, to head for Cambridge University in England. There he indeed learned
Greek as part of his studies, financed by Abolitionist campaigners, in Theology
at Queens’ College (1851–3).
The
best-known example is the hero of Thomas Hardy’s tragic novel Jude the Obscure. Jude Fawley, a poor
stonemason living in a Victorian village,
is desperate to study Latin and Greek at university. He propels himself
into the torment that results from harbouring such unrealistic aspirations at
the moment when he gazes on the spires and domes of the University of
Christminster (a fictional substitute for Oxford). They ‘gleamed like the
topaz’ in the distance. The lustrous
topaz shares its golden colour with the stone used to build Oxbridge colleges,
but is one of the hardest minerals in nature. Jude’s fragile psyche and health
inevitably collapse when he discovers just how unbreakable are the social
barriers that exclude him from elite culture and perpetuate his class position.
Fawley may have been fictional, but Hardy was writing from personal experience.
As the son of a stonemason himself, and apprenticed to an architect’s firm, he
had been denied a public school and university education; like Jude Fawley, he
had struggled to learn enough Greek to read the Iliad as a teenager. Unlike Jude, Hardy rose through the social
ranks to become a prosperous member of the literary establishment. But he never
resolved his internal conflict between admiration for Greek and Latin authors
and resentment of the supercilious attitude adopted by some members of the
upper classes who had been formally trained in them.
Hardy might have found inner peace
had he been fully aware of the splendid history of the reading of ancient authors
by Britons far beyond the privileged elite, a history which has been wilfully
obscured by those rich enough to be able to afford for their children the opportunity
to learn ancient languages. Pope’s early 18th-century translations
of Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey brought Homer to a far larger
audience, including women, than ever had access to an elite education. Take Esther
Easton, a Jedburgh gardener’s wife, visited by the poet Robert Burns in 1787. He recorded that she was ‘she can repeat by
heart almost everything she has ever read, particularly Pope’s ‘Homer’ from end
to end’ and ‘is a woman of very extraordinary abilities’. Pope’s Homer also captured the childhood imagination
of Hugh Miller, another Scot, a stonemason and a distinguished autodidact, who
grew up to become a world-famous geologist. He saw the Iliad as incomparable, and wrote in My Schools and Schoolmasters (1854) that he had learned early ‘that
no other writer could cast a javelin with half the force of Homer. The missiles
went whizzing athwart his pages; and I could see the momentary gleam of the
steel, ere it buried itself deep in brass and bull-hide.’
For
there is an alternative history of classical scholarship—the history of many individuals,
brave, stubborn, naïve, or all three—who, in the face of every kind of
obstruction did succeed in ‘entering Minerva’s temple’, as the working-class
imagination often framed the project of autodidacticism. This is the subject of
my current research project Classics and Class (http://www.classicsandclass.info/),
for which I have gratefully received funding from the British taxpayer via the
Arts & Humanities Research Council.
The most prodigious of British autodidacts was Joseph Wright, a Victorian
workhouse boy who became Professor of Comparative Philology at Oxford. Illiterate
at the age of 15, he discovered his aptitude for languages at a Wesleyan night
school, funded a PhD in Greek at Heidelberg by teaching incessantly, and,
before appointment to his Chair, lectured for the Association for the Higher
Education of Women. The Reverend John Relly Beard was a crucial force behind
the movement for popular education in Lancashire and never wavered in his zeal
for universal educational to the highest level. He wrote accessible works on
classical and biblical subjects, the sections on Latin, Greek and English
Literature for Cassell’s Popular Educator, Latin Made Easy (1848)
and Cassell’s Lessons in Greek…Intended Especially for those who are
Desirous of Learning Greek without the Assistance of a Master. In this
teach-yourself manual he is explicit about the readership he assumes: ‘The
wants of such, the want of what may roughly be termed the uneducated,
will be carefully borne in mind by me, while I prepare these lessons... My
purpose is to simplify the study of Greek so as to throw open to all who are
earnest the great work of self-culture.’
Organised working-class libraries
reveal a fascinating alternative canon of books relating to the ancient word,
from the first workers’ libraries in Europe established in the 1750s at
Leadhills and Wanlockhead in Dumfries and Galloway to the foundation of the Workers’
Educational Association. By the end of the 19th century, these
libraries’ holdings were often influenced by ‘Lubbock’s List’, the one hundred
books in 1887 deemed ‘best worth reading’ by John
Lubbock, Principal of the Working-Men’s
College in London from 1883 to 1899. Lubbock, who became
the first Baron Avebury, was himself from a privileged banking family, and
educated at Eton. Although he did not attend university, he was a polymath,
specialising in archaeology and biological sciences. The proportion of
classical authors in his list is remarkable: Marcus Aurelius, Epictetus,
Aristotle’s Ethics and Politics, Augustine’s Confessions, Plato’s Apology, Crito and Phaedo,
Xenophon’s Memorabilia and Anabasis,
Demosthenes’ de Corona, Cicero’s De Officiis, De
Amicitia, and De Senectute, Plutarch’s Lives,
Homer, Hesiod, Virgil, Aeschylus’ Prometheus and Oresteia,
Sophocles’ Oedipus, Euripides’ Medea, Aristophanes’ Knights and Clouds,
Herodotus, Thucydides, Tacitus’ Germania, and Livy. In addition,
two famous works on ancient history– Gibbon’s Decline and Fall and
Grote’s History of Greece—make
it onto the list, along with the most popular novel set in antiquity, Lytton’s Last
Days of Pompeii. More than a quarter of all the books are classical
authors, and more than a third addressed to classical antiquity. The
classical riches on the working-class self-educator’s library and private
bookshelves after 1887 can partly be attributed to Lubbock’s ideal curriculum.
The
109 libraries of the South Wales Coalfields are a wonder of labour history, and
the books really were taken out. At Ebbw Vale, each reader borrowed an average
of 52 volumes a year. The ‘Condensed Accessions Book’ of Bargoed Colliery
Library details its holdings by 1921-2. Texts in Latin and Greek don’t feature:
until 1918 almost all miners had left school on their 13th birthday.
But the ‘alternative classical curriculum’ of the miner was wide-ranging. He
read translations and biographies such as J.B. Forbes’ Socrates (1905).
He learned about the Greeks from H.B. Cotterill’s Ancient Greece (1913),
the Egyptians from Rawlinson’s Herodotean History of Ancient
Egypt (1880), and mythology from several books by Andrew Lang.
The
inspiring past of people’s Greek can help us to look forward. It is
theoretically in our power as British citizens to create the curriculum we
want. In my personal utopia, the ancient Greek language would be universally
available free of charge to everyone who wants to learn it, at whatever age, as
would Latin, Classical Civilisation, Ancient History, Philosophy, Anglo-Saxon,
Basque, Coptic, Syriac and Hittite, for that matter. But Classical Civilisation
qualifications are the admirable, economically viable and attainable solution which has evolved organically in our state
sector. Classicists who do not actively promote
them will justifiably be perceived as elitist dinosaurs.
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